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Category: History—America (1906-1918)

Tammany Hall

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Tammany Hall, also known as the Society of St. Tammany, the Sons of St. Tammany, or the Columbian Order, was a New York City political organization founded in 1786 and incorporated on May 12, 1789, as the Tammany Society. It was the Democratic Party political machine that played a major role in controlling New York City and New York State politics and helping immigrants, most notably the Irish, rise up in American politics from the 1790s to the 1960s. It typically controlled Democratic Party nominations and political patronage in Manhattan from the mayoral victory of Fernando Wood in 1854 and used its patronage resources to build a loyal, well-rewarded core of district and precinct leaders; after 1850 the great majority were Irish Catholics.

 

The Tammany Society emerged as the center for Democratic-Republican Party politics in the city in the early 19th century. After 1854, the Society expanded its political control even further by earning the loyalty of the city's rapidly expanding immigrant community, which functioned as its base of political capital. The business community appreciated its readiness, at moderate cost, to cut through red tape and legislative mazes to facilitate rapid economic growth. The Tammany Hall ward boss or ward heeler – "wards" were the city's smallest political units from 1786 to 1938 – served as the local vote gatherer and provider of patronage. By 1872 Tammany had an Irish Catholic "boss," and in 1928 a Tammany hero, New York Governor Al Smith, won the Democratic presidential nomination. However, Tammany Hall also served as an engine for graft and political corruption, perhaps most infamously under William M. "Boss" Tweed in the mid-19th century. By the 1880s, Tammany was building local clubs that appealed to social activists from the ethnic middle class.[2][3] In quiet times the machine had the advantage of a core of solid supporters and usually exercised control of politics and policymaking in Manhattan; it also played a major role in the state legislature in Albany.

Charles Murphy was the highly effective but quiet boss of Tammany from 1902–1924.[4] "Big Tim" Sullivan was the Tammany leader in the Bowery, and machine's spokesman in the state legislature.[5] In the early twentieth century Murphy and Sullivan promoted Tammany as a reformed agency dedicated to the interests of the working class. The new image deflected attacks and built up a following among the emerging ethnic middle class. In the process Robert F. Wagner became a powerful United States Senator, and Al Smith served multiple terms as governor and was the Democratic presidential candidate in 1928.[6][7]

Tammany Hall's influence waned from 1930 to 1945 when it engaged in a losing battle with Franklin D. Roosevelt, the state's governor (1928–33) and the United States president (1933–45). In 1932, Mayor Jimmy Walker was forced from office when his bribery was exposed. Roosevelt stripped Tammany of federal patronage. Republican Fiorello La Guardia was elected mayor on a Fusion ticket and became the first anti-Tammany mayor to be re-elected. A brief resurgence in Tammany power in the 1950s under the leadership of Carmine DeSapio was met with Democratic Party opposition led by Eleanor Roosevelt, Herbert Lehman, and the New York Committee for Democratic Voters. By the mid-1960s Tammany Hall ceased to exist.

Immigrant support

Tammany Hall's electoral base lay predominantly with New York's burgeoning immigrant constituency, which often exchanged political support for Tammany Hall's patronage. In pre-New Deal America, the extralegal services that Tammany and other urban political machines provided often served as a rudimentary public welfare system. At first, in the latter 1810s, immigrants were not allowed membership in Tammany Hall.[42] However, after protests by Irish militants in 1817, and the invasion of several of their offices, Tammany Hall realized the potential influence Irish immigrants would have in the city. By the 1820s, Tammany Hall was accepting Irish immigrants as members of the group.[42] German immigrants were also present in large numbers in the city at this time, but did not actively seek to participate in city politics.[43]

However, Irish immigrants became even more influential during the mid 1840s to early 1850s. With the potato famine in Ireland, by 1850, more than 130,000 immigrants from Ireland lived in New York City.[42] Since the newly arrived immigrants were in deep poverty, Tammany Hall provided them with employment, shelter, and even citizenship sometimes.[44] For example, the group gave men looking for work referrals, and legal aid to those who needed it. Tammany Hall would also provide food and financial aid to families with sick or injured breadwinners.[42] In an example of their involvement in the lives of citizens, in the course of one day, Tammany figure George Washington Plunkitt assisted the victims of a house fire; secured the release of six "drunks" by speaking on their behalf to a judge; paid the rent of a poor family to prevent their eviction and gave them money for food; secured employment for four individuals; attended the funerals of two of his constituents (one Italian, the other Jewish); attended a Bar Mitzvah; and attended the wedding of a Jewish couple from his ward.[45] Tammany Hall took full advantage of the surplus in Irish immigrants to create a healthy relationship to gather more votes. By 1855, 34 percent of New York City's voter population was composed of Irish immigrants, and many Irish men came to dominate Tammany Hall. With this, Tammany Hall started its career as the powerful political machine we associate it with today.

Tammany Hall also served as a social integrator for immigrants by familiarizing them with American society and its political institutions and by helping them become naturalized citizens. One example was the naturalization process organized by William M. Tweed. Under Tweed's regime, "naturalization committees" were established. These "committees" were made up primarily of Tammany politicians and employees, and their duties consisted of filling out paperwork, providing witnesses, and lending immigrants money for the fees required to become citizens. Judges and other city officials were bribed and otherwise compelled to go along with the workings of these committees.[46] In exchange for all these benefits, immigrants assured Tammany Hall they would vote for their candidates.[37] By 1854, the support which Tammany Hall received from immigrants would firmly establish the organization as the leader of New York City's political scene.[37] With the election of Fernando Wood, the first person to be supported by the Tammany Hall machine,[42] as mayor in 1854, Tammany Hall would proceed to dominate The New York City political arena until Fiorello La Guardia's mayoralty after the election of 1934.[37]

Tweed regime

William M. Tweed, known as "Boss" Tweed, ran an efficient and corrupt political machine based on patronage and graft.

Tammany's control over the politics of New York City tightened considerably under Tweed. In 1858, Tweed utilized the efforts of Republican reformers to rein in the Democratic city government to obtain a position on the County Board of Supervisors (which he then used as a springboard to other appointments) and to have his friends placed in various offices. From this position of strength, he was elected "Grand Sachem" of Tammany, which he then used to take functional control of the city government. With his proteges elected governor of the state and mayor of the city, Tweed was able to expand the corruption and kickbacks of his "Ring" into practically every aspect of city and state governance. Although Tweed was elected to the State Senate, his true sources of power were his appointed positions to various branches of the city government. These positions gave him access to city funds and contractors, thereby controlling public works programs. This benefitted his pocketbook and those of his friends, but also provided jobs for the immigrants, especially Irish laborers, who were the electoral base of Tammany's power.[50]

According to Tweed biographer Kenneth D. Ackerman:

It's hard not to admire the skill behind Tweed's system ... The Tweed ring at its height was an engineering marvel, strong and solid, strategically deployed to control key power points: the courts, the legislature, the treasury and the ballot box. Its frauds had a grandeur of scale and an elegance of structure: money-laundering, profit sharing and organization.[51]

Under "Boss" Tweed's dominance, the city expanded into the Upper Eastand Upper West Sides of Manhattan, the Brooklyn Bridge was begun, land was set aside for the Metropolitan Museum of Art, orphanages and almshouses were constructed, and social services – both directly provided by the state and indirectly funded by state appropriations to private charities – expanded to unprecedented levels. All of this activity, of course, also brought great wealth to Tweed and his friends. It also brought them into contact and alliance with the rich elite of the city, who either fell in with the graft and corruption, or else tolerated it because of Tammany's ability to control the immigrant population, of whom the "uppertens" of the city were wary.

James Watson, who was a county auditor in Comptroller Dick Connolly's office and who also held and recorded the ring's books, died a week after his head was smashed by a horse in a sleigh accident on January 21, 1871. Although Tweed guarded Watson's estate in the week prior to Watson's death, and although another ring member attempted to destroy Watson's records, a replacement auditor, Matthew O'Rourke, associated with former sheriff James O'Brien provided city accounts to O'Brien.[52] Further, Tammany demonstrated inability to control Irish laborers in the Orange riotof 1871 that also began Tweed's downfall. Campaigns to topple Tweed by The New York Times and Thomas Nast of Harper's Weekly began to gain traction in the aftermath of the riot, and disgruntled insiders began to leak the details of the extent and scope of the Tweed Ring's avarice to the newspapers. Specifically, O'Brien forwarded the city's financial accounts to the New York Times. The New York Times, at that time the only Republican associated paper in the city, was then able to reinforce stories they had previously published against the ring.[53] The Committee of Seventy was formed in September 1871 by prominent reformers to examine the misdeeds of the Tweed ring.

Tweed was arrested and tried in 1872. He died in Ludlow Street Jail, and political reformers took over the city and state governments.[50] Following Tweed's arrest, Tammany survived but was no longer controlled just by Protestants and was now dependent on leadership from bosses of Irish descent.[35]

1870–1900 

Tammany did not take long to rebound from Tweed's fall. Reforms demanded a general housecleaning, and former county sheriff "Honest John" Kelly was selected as the new leader. Kelly was not implicated in the Tweed scandals, and was a religious Catholic related by marriage to Archbishop John McCloskey. He cleared Tammany of Tweed's people, and tightened the Grand Sachem's control over the hierarchy. His success at revitalizing the machine was such that in the election of 1874, the Tammany candidate, William H. Wickham, unseated the unpopular reformist incumbent, William F. Havemeyer, and Democrats generally won their races, delivering control of the city back to Tammany Hall.[54]

Mazet Investigation

A final state investigation began in 1899 at the prompting of newly elected Theodore Roosevelt. This Mazet Investigation was chaired by Republican assemblyman Robert Mazet and led by chief counsel Frank Moss, who had also participated in the Lexow Committee. The investigation reveal further detail about Croker's corporate alliances and also yielded memorable quotes from police chief William Stephen Devery and Croker. This was also the committee that began probing Croker about his holdings in ice companies.[64]

Despite occasional defeats, Tammany was consistently able to survive and prosper. Under leaders such as Charles Francis Murphy and Timothy Sullivan, it maintained control of Democratic politics in the city and the state.

20th century
Machine politics versus the reformers

The politics of the consolidated city from 1898 to 1945 revolved around conflicts between the political machines and the reformers. In quiet times the machines had the advantage of the core of solid supporters and usually exercised control of city and borough affairs; they also played a major role in the state legislature in Albany. Tammany for example from the 1880s onward built a strong network of local clubs that attracted ambitious middle-class ethnics.[65][66] In times of crisis however, especially in the severe depressions of the 1890s and the 1930s, the reformers took control of key offices, notably the mayor's office. The reformers were never unified; they operated through a complex network of independent civic reform groups, each focused its lobbying efforts on its own particular reform agenda. The membership included civic minded, well-educated middle-class men and women, usually with expert skills in a profession or business, who deeply distrusted the corruption of the machines.[67] Consolidation in 1898 multiplied the power of these reform groups, so long as they could agree on a common agenda, Such as consolidation itself.[68]

There was no citywide machine. Instead Democratic machines flourished in each of the boroughs, with Tammany Hall in Manhattan the most prominent. They typically had strong local organizations, known as "political clubs", as well as one prominent leader often called "the boss". Charles Murphy was the highly effective but quiet boss of Tammany Hall from 1902–1924.[69] "Big Tim" Sullivan was the Tammany leader in the Bowery, and the machine's spokesman in the state legislature.[70]Republican local organizations were much weaker, but they played key roles in forming reform coalitions. Most of the time they looked to Albany and Washington for their sphere of influence.[71][72] Seth Low, the president of Columbia University, was elected the reform mayor in 1901. He lacked the common touch, and lost much of his working class support when he listened to dry Protestants eager to crack down on the liquor business.[73][74]

From 1902 until his death in 1924, Charles Francis Murphy was Tammany's boss. Murphy wanted to clean up Tammany's image, and he sponsored progressive era reforms benefiting the working class through his two protégés, Governor Al Smith and Robert F. Wagner. Ed Flynn, a protégé of Murphy who became the boss in the Bronx, said Murphy always advised that politicians should have nothing to do with gambling or prostitution, and should steer clear of involvement with the police department or the school system.[75]

A new challenge to Tammany came from William Randolph Hearst, a powerful newspaper publisher who wanted to be president. Hearst was elected to Congress with Tammany support, was defeated for mayor after a bitter contest with Tammany, and won Tammany support for his unsuccessful quest for the governorship of New York. Hearst did manage to dominate Tammany mayor John F. Hylan (1917–25), but he lost control when Smith and Wagner denied Hylan renomination in 1925. Hearst then moved to California.[76]

Power vacuum and the Seabury Commission (1925-1932)

After Charles Francis Murphy's death in 1924, Tammany's influence on Democratic politics began its wane. Muphy's successor as the Boss in 1924 was George W. Olvany. Olvany was the first Tammany Hall boss to have received a college education. When Tammany's Jimmy Walker became the city mayor over Hyman in 1925, things were looking bright for the hall. Olvany was not an overbearing Boss, and the familiar Tammany Hall schemes from a pre-Murphy era began. Police received protection money from shopkeepers, rackets surrounded the fish and poultry markets, as well as the docks, and licensing fees for various professions were increased with Tammany Hall middlemen reaping the benefits. This bright period of influence for Tammany Hall was to be short lived. The population of Manhattan, Tammany's stronghold, no longer represented the population of the city as other Burroughs like Brooklyn and the Bronx made gains. Franklin D. Roosevelt's (FDR) election as New York State Governor in 1928 further reduced Tammany Hall's power. Although Al Smith guided FDR to the governorship, FDR did not request Smith's advice once there and instead, appointed Bronx Boss Edward J. Flynn as the state's Secretary of State. The stock market crash of 1929 and the increasing press attention on organized crime during the Prohibition era also contributed to the hall's decline. Olvany resigned as the Boss in 1929, and John F. Curry was tapped to fill the role. Curry beat Eddy Ahearn for the role, Al Smith's choice, and often considered to be an abler man. Although he looked the part, Curry was not considered smart enough to fill the role and proceeded to make a series of poor decisions on behalf of Tammany.[77]

The organized crime robbery of a city judge and leader of the Tepecano Democratic Club, Albert H. Vitale, during a dinner party on December 7, 1929, and the subsequent recovering of the stolen goods from gangsters following a few calls from Magistrate Vitale, prompted the public to request a closer look at the ties of organized crime, law enforcement and the judicial system within the city. Vitale was accused of owing $19,600 to Arnold Rothstein, and was investigated by the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court for failing to explain how he accrued $165,000 over four years while receiving a total judicial salary of $48,000 during that same period. Vitale was removed from the bench. A further investigation by U.S. district attorney Charles H. Tuttle discovered that Brooklyn Judge Bernard Vause was paid $190,000 in return for obtaining pier leases for a shipping company, and that another city judge, George Ewald had paid Tammany Hall $10,000 for the replacement seat of Judge Vitale. FDR responded by launching three investigations between 1930 and 1932, headed by Samuel Seabury, called the Seabury Commission. Another Tammany Hall associate, state Supreme Court Justice Joseph Force Crater, disappeared in August 1930, after the start of the first investigation, in what would become an unsolved case. Crater was president of a Tammany Hall Club on the Upper West Side.[78] During questioning, Tammany associate and New York County Sheriff Thomas M. Farley denied that gambling took place in his political clubs and could not account for the frequent presence of associates of Arnold Rothstein. Other questioning focused on the combined police, court, and bail bonding scheme surrounding the improper arrest of prostitutes and innocent women. The outcome of these investigations included the dismissal of several corrupt judges, including the city's first female judge, Jean H. Norris, the resignation of Mayor Jimmy Walker, the indictment of Deputy City Clerk James J. McCormick and the arrest of State Senator John A. Hastings. Sheriff Thomas M. Farley was removed from office by Gov. Franklin D. Roosevelt.[79]

Criminal issues

Manhattan District Attorney Thomas E. Dewey also got longtime Tammany Hall boss Jimmy Hines convicted of bribery in 1939[9] and sentenced to 4–8 years.[85] The loss of Hines would serve as a major blow to Tammany, as he had given the political machine strong ties to the city's powerful organized crime figures since the 1920s.[86] A few years prior, Dewey also had powerful mobster and strong Tammany ally Lucky Luciano convicted of racketeering and sentenced to 30–50 years;[87] however, Luciano was still able to maintain control of the powerful Luciano crime family from prison until his sentence was commuted to deportation to Italy in 1946.[88]Several Tammany Hall officials affiliated with Hines and Luciano were also successfully prosecuted by Dewey.[87] In 1943, district attorney Frank Hogan provided a transcript of a recorded phone message between Frank Costello and Judge Thomas A. Aurelio, a Tammany associate running for state Supreme Court on both Republican and Democrat tickets, wherein Aurelio pledged his loyalty to Costello.[89]

Leaders

Note: There were two distinct entities: the Tammany Society, headed by a Grand Sachem elected annually on May 23; and the Tammany Hall political machine headed by a "boss". The following list names the political bosses, as far as could be ascertained. Also note that Tammany Hall operated with obfuscation in mind, so these public leaders may not represent actual leadership.[95]

Tammany Hall on East 14th Street between Third Avenue and Irving Place in Manhattan, New York City(1914). The building was demolished c.1927.

References

Notes

  1. "Tammany Hall Today: A Site of Higher Education in Union Square". Untapped Cities. April 8, 2014.
  2. Peel, Roy V. The Political Clubs of New York City (1935)
  3. Shefter, Martin. "The electoral foundations of the political machine: New York City, 1884–1897." in Joel Silbey et al. eds., The history of American electoral behavior (1978) pp: 263–98, esp pp 294–95.
  4. Huthmacher (1965)
  5. Czitrom, Daniel. "Underworlds and underdogs: Big Tim Sullivan and metropolitan politics in New York, 1889–1913," Journal of American History (1991) 78#2 pp 536–558 in JSTOR
  6. Slayton, Robert A. Empire Statesman: The Rise and Redemption of Al Smith (2001). ch 6–15.
  7. Huthmacher, J. Joseph. Senator Robert F. Wagner and the rise of urban liberalism (1968) ch 1–4
  8. Hodge, Frederick Webb (ed.) Handbook of Indians North of Mexico(Washington: Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 30. GPO 1911), 2:683–684
  9. "Sachems & Sinners: An Informal History of Tammany Hall" Time(August 22, 1955)
  10. The History of New York State Archived September 30, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
  11. Allen pp. 5-6
  12. Allen p.7, 10
  13. Allen pp.7-10
  14. Parmet and Hecht, pp. 149–150
  15. Myers, p. 17
  16. Allen pp. 13,14,18
  17. Myers, p. 21
  18. Myers, p. 28
  19. Allen pp. 13,14,18
  20. Myers, p. 23
  21. Myers, p. 24
  22. Myers, p. 26
  23. Myers, pp. 27–30
  24. Myers, p. 30
  25. Allen p.21
  26. Myers, p. 27
  27. Myers, pp. 36–38
  28. Myers, p. 38
  29. Myers, p. 39
  30. Myers, p. 36
  31. Allen p. 24
  32. Myers, p. 35
  33. Myers, p. 46
  34. Allen pp.27-50
  35. Panayiotopoulos, Prodromos (2006). Immigrant enterprise in Europe and the USA. Routledge Studies in the Modern World Economy. p. 52. ISBN 0-415-35371-8.
  36. "New York Election Results". Mahalo.com.
  37. "Tammany Hall".
  38. Allen pp. 42-43
  39. Allen pp. 36,48
  40. New York City used the designation "ward" for its smallest political units from 1686–1938. The 1686 Dongan Charter divided the city into six wards and created a Common Council which consisted of an alderman and an assistant alderman elected from each ward. In 1821, the Common Council's authority was expanded so it would also elect the city's mayor, which had previously been appointed by the state government. In 1834, the state constitution was amended and required the city's mayor to be elected by direct popular vote. In 1834, Cornelius Van Wyck Lawrence, a pro-Tammany Democrat, would become the first mayor ever elected by popular vote in the city's history. See "A Brief History of Election Law in New York" on the Gotham Gazette website
  41. "Tammany Hall: Boss Tweed & Thomas Nast" Racontours
  42. "Gale - Enter Product Login".
  43. Allen
  44. "Tammany Hall". www2.gwu.edu. Retrieved October 28, 2016.
  45. Riordin, pp.91–93
  46. Connable and Silberfarb, p.154
  47. Allen pp. 54-62
  48. Allen pp. 54-62
  49. Allen pp.52-53,63,67-76
  50. Burrows & Wallace, p.837 and passim
  51. Ackerman, Kenneth D. Boss Tweed: The Rise and Fall of the Corrupt Pol Who Conceived the Soul of Modern New York New York: Carroll & Graf, 2005; quoted in Hammill, Pete, "'Boss Tweed': The Fellowship of the Ring" New York Times (March 27, 2005)
  52. Allen, pp. 118-125
  53. Allen, pp. 118-125
  54. Burrows & Wallace, p.1027
  55. Burrows & Wallace, p.1099
  56. Burrows & Wallace, pp.1103–1106
  57. Burrows & Wallace, p.1100
  58. Burrows & Wallace, pp.1106–1108
  59. Allen p.175
  60. Burrows & Wallace, pp.1108–1109
  61. Burrows & Wallace, pp.1109–1110
  62. Burrows & Wallace, pp.1192–1194
  63. Burrows & Wallace, pp.1206–1208
  64. Allen pp.197-200
  65. Roy V. Peel, The Political Clubs of New York City (1935)
  66. Martin Shefter, "The electoral foundations of the political machine: New York City, 1884–1897." in Joel Silbey et al. eds., The history of American electoral behavior (1978) pp: 263–98, esp pp 294–95.
  67. Richard Skolnik, "Civic Group Progressivism In New York City," New York History (1970) 51#5 pp 411–439.
  68. David C. Hammack, Power and Society: Greater New York at the Turn of the Century (1982) pp 308–13
  69. J. Joseph Huthmacher, "Charles Evans Hughes and Charles Francis Murphy: The Metamorphosis of Progressivism." New York History' (1965): 25–40. in JSTOR
  70. Daniel Czitrom, "Underworlds and underdogs: Big Tim Sullivan and metropolitan politics in New York, 1889–1913," Journal of American History (1991) 78#2 pp 536–558 in JSTOR
  71. Jackson, Encyclopedia of New York City, (1996) pp 914, 999, 1149–51
  72. Marvin G. Weinbaum, "New York County Republican Politics, 1897–1922: The Quarter-Century After Municipal Consolidation." New York Historical Society Quarterly (1966) 50#1 pp: 62–70.
  73. "Seth Low," in Jackson,Encyclopedia of New York City, (1996) p 695
  74. Steven C. Swett, "The Test of a Reformer: A Study of Seth Low, New York City Mayor, 1902–1903," New-York Historical Society Quarterly (1960) 44#1 pp 5–41
  75. Terry Golway, Machine Made: Tammany Hall and the Creation of Modern American Politics (2014) p 186
  76. Ben Proctor, William Randolph Hearst: The Early Years, 1863–1910 the parenthesis 1998) ch 11
  77. Allen pp. 233-250
  78. Allen p.242
  79. Allen pp. 233-250
  80. "Curry and McCooey to Support Ticket; Roosevelt Held 'Luckiest Man' in Nation". The New York Times. July 3, 1932. p. 10. Retrieved June 8,2012.
  81. "Edward Flynn (1891–1953)" George Washington University website
  82. "La Guardia Is Dead; City Pays Homage To 3-Time Mayor". The New York Times.
  83. New York City Council website
  84. Allen p. 256
  85. Hines, James J. Newspaper Clippings from the Trials, 1938–1940: Finding Aid Harvard Law School Library website
  86. "truTV - Reality TV - Comedy".
  87. "truTV - Reality TV - Comedy".
  88. "Articles/Biographies/Criminals/Costello, Frank". Free Information Society.
  89. Allen p. 258
  90. Allen p. 271
  91. Clarity, James F. (February 13, 1991). "Robert Wagner, 80, Pivotal New York Mayor, Dies". The New York Times.
  92. Kandell, Jonathan (July 28, 2004). "Carmine De Sapio, Political Kingmaker and Last Tammany Hall Boss, Dies at 95". The New York Times.
  93. Allen p.275
  94. "About the club". lexclub.org. Retrieved January 15, 2019.
  95. Allen, p. 1
  96. Wiles, David (2003). "Boss Tweed and the Tammany Hall Machine". New York State University at Albany. Retrieved November 11, 2014.
  97. Technically, Costikyan was not leader of Tammany Hall itself, but of the New York Democratic Committee
  98. Hevesi, Dennis (June 23, 2012). "Edward N. Costikyan, Adviser to New York Politicians, Is Dead at 87". New York Times. Retrieved October 8,2012.
  99. Allen, pp.7–8
  100. Burrows & Wallace p.322
  101. Burrows & Wallace p.316
  102. Allen, p.24
  103. O'Brien, Frank Michael. The Story of the Sun: New York, 1833–1918George H. Doran Co, 1916. p. 229
  104. Allen, pp.99–100
  105. Burrows & Wallace p.995
  106. Wurman, Richard Saul. Access New York City. New York: HarperCollins, 2000. ISBN 0-06-277274-0
  107. "Second Tammany Hall Building Proposed as Historic Landmark". Retrieved March 3, 2008.
  108. Allen, p.259
  109. Moss, Jeremiah (January 11, 2016). "Tammany Hall Empties Out". Vanishing New York.
  110. Bindelglass, Evan (November 26, 2014). "Landmarks Nixes Tammany Hall's Glass Tortoise Shell Topper". Curbed NY.
  111. Tammany Hall a Landmark New York Daily News
  112. "Shrunken Tortoise Shell Topper Approved for Tammany Hall". Curbed NY. March 11, 2015.
  113. "Tammany Hall" Board Game Geek

Bibliography

Primary sources

Further reading

External links

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